Monday, July 25, 2011
Bright young thugs
Bright young thugs: "With my hands tightly tied behind my back, and my 87kg body neatly packed and folded in the boot of a hired Renault hatchback – after being hijacked and robbed – the least I expected was to engage in the national discourse about why, as a black person, I’m better off than millions of fellow black men."
Monday, December 13, 2010
Mail & Guardian publishes one of Shengesblog's posts
Hi, Have a look at the following story on the Mail & Guardian Online:
Do we want a nation of coconuts?
During a late-evening conversation with my six-year-old son, I was gobsmacked by his reasoning in asserting that he is not Zulu. “Dad,” he said, “I’m not Zulu, I’m English. I don’t speak Zulu and I don’t like speaking Zulu.” “But ...
Read the rest of this story at
http://www.mg.co.za/article/2009-10-28-do-we-want-a-nation-of-coconuts
Do we want a nation of coconuts?
During a late-evening conversation with my six-year-old son, I was gobsmacked by his reasoning in asserting that he is not Zulu. “Dad,” he said, “I’m not Zulu, I’m English. I don’t speak Zulu and I don’t like speaking Zulu.” “But ...
Read the rest of this story at
http://www.mg.co.za/article/2009-10-28-do-we-want-a-nation-of-coconuts
Thursday, December 2, 2010
Blacks …..are just pawns in a new white man’s power game
The epic failure of black empowerment policies have paved way for a new kind of apartheid in South Africa which seeks to maintain the status quo at all costs, and perpetually keep black people at the lowest rung of the social and economic hierarchy.
The introduction of black empowerment policies such as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and Employment Equity (EE) sought to right the wrongs of the past. However, when one looks around the business world today, white power still rules the roost. Decisions that matter are still made by white executives and black professionals are sheepishly overwhelmed by the white corporate juggernaut. Unfortunately, there is nothing much they can do about it, except the random rants from Jimmy Manyi and Julius Malema.
Employment Equity (EE) reports, one after the other, show a disturbing trend of whites getting the lion’s share of training, promotions, at the expense of blacks (African, Indian, coloured), 16 years into the new dispensation.
What is more worrying now is the emergence of a new kind of apartheid, where Africans from the north of the Limpopo River are used as new pawns in a white man’s power game. To illustrate this, a white Zimbabwean chief executive officer, at the helm of a local company, cursed the ANC government when he was told his black Zimbabwean protégé did not quality to be classified as an EE candidate. “What the f… is wrong with this government, this guy is competent,” he retorted.
By just a random headcount of black faces in the various professional teams (within organisations), whether accountants, auditors, equity analysts, computer programmers, or even marketers, the trend is, there will be only one black African (local) in a team of say, 10 team members. If they really have to hire another black African, they will cross the borders and recruit a Zimbabwean, Zambian, Kenyan etc. It’s very rare to find two or three local black Africans working in the same team. I guess white bosses are still haunted by the past, fearing that too many local blacks will conspire and cause trouble. So, the solution is to hire a foreign African, who’s in SA to better their lives and not interested in advancing SA’s transformation agenda.
I have nothing against my Indian and Coloured compatriots, but they too, are used as pawns in this white man’s power game. Generally, they are not interested in the bigger agenda of transformation, except advancing their careers and hence are less of a threat to the white establishment and susceptible to manipulation by white power. Those who believe the corporate world is an extension of liberation struggle trenches to advance the goals of a more equitable society are considered as a bunch of ‘misfits’ and relegated to the periphery of all the corporate action.
Dear reader, this new of kind of apartheid is so effective that the acronyms EE and BEE have, at worst, been cursed, and at best, relegated to an admin “pain in the butt” of the corporate world. Any mention of these acronyms in a conversation, except at a mandatory EE forum, is tantamount to career suicide hence the silence of many a black professional. The feeling among many is: “Mfwethu, I’m just here for a stint to learn the ropes before I venture into my own thing”.
Meanwhile, their white counterparts are being encouraged to socialise with the brokers of power – the ones who decide who to hire and fire, how much performance bonus to pay to whom? Who to promote, over a game of golf, touch rugby or over a round of drinks, after hours? This is how corrupt the system is. I have often wondered: why these corrupt practises of white corporate bosses do not make newspaper headlines? Thanks to the Competition Commission, some of the sleaze in corporate SA is beginning to come out. But what the commission has uncovered is just the tip of the iceberg.
The politics of dishing out patronage is not the sole preserve of the ANC, as some newspaper columnists and the Democratic Alliance would like us to believe. You would often be told, “… it’s not about what you do, but it’s who you know”? If you are not connected to the brokers of power, climbing the corporate ladder will be a perpetually deferred dream or as a consolation, do what most black professionals do most, hop to another job, even if they are offering just a pittance more.
In terms of black African executives – the less said about this lot the better. With a few exceptions of black excellence, many of this lot have become whiter than their white masters. I recall sitting in a meeting addressed by a black CEO, a colleague of mine remarked that it was quite refreshing to hear Bra Tee (not his real name) talk about BEE for the first time ever in his five-year tenure as CEO. Another colleague expressed shock when invited to Bra Tee’s house party in Sandton to find the whole house teeming with white people and not a single black face, but Bra Tee’s, obviously.
I thought to myself, how do you confidently talk about BEE and expect to see real transformation taking place when you have surrounded yourself with whiteness? It is as if black CEOs have been bewitched with whiteness. They are too scared to affirm and empower people from their own backyard. They too, are the pawns in a white man’s power game. I guess they like to see abelungu stroking their slave egos, every now and then, and abelungu are expert suckers. Just as it is difficult to talk with your mouthful, the same goes for our black executives, they cannot imagine themselves opening their share-options mouthfulls and be humiliated with all this EE, BEE stuff. This is a classic case of slave mentality and self loathe in the extreme!
Surely, Steve Biko must be turning in his grave. As for Verwoed and his dead cohorts, the chuckle must be deafening in hell!
The introduction of black empowerment policies such as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and Employment Equity (EE) sought to right the wrongs of the past. However, when one looks around the business world today, white power still rules the roost. Decisions that matter are still made by white executives and black professionals are sheepishly overwhelmed by the white corporate juggernaut. Unfortunately, there is nothing much they can do about it, except the random rants from Jimmy Manyi and Julius Malema.
Employment Equity (EE) reports, one after the other, show a disturbing trend of whites getting the lion’s share of training, promotions, at the expense of blacks (African, Indian, coloured), 16 years into the new dispensation.
What is more worrying now is the emergence of a new kind of apartheid, where Africans from the north of the Limpopo River are used as new pawns in a white man’s power game. To illustrate this, a white Zimbabwean chief executive officer, at the helm of a local company, cursed the ANC government when he was told his black Zimbabwean protégé did not quality to be classified as an EE candidate. “What the f… is wrong with this government, this guy is competent,” he retorted.
By just a random headcount of black faces in the various professional teams (within organisations), whether accountants, auditors, equity analysts, computer programmers, or even marketers, the trend is, there will be only one black African (local) in a team of say, 10 team members. If they really have to hire another black African, they will cross the borders and recruit a Zimbabwean, Zambian, Kenyan etc. It’s very rare to find two or three local black Africans working in the same team. I guess white bosses are still haunted by the past, fearing that too many local blacks will conspire and cause trouble. So, the solution is to hire a foreign African, who’s in SA to better their lives and not interested in advancing SA’s transformation agenda.
I have nothing against my Indian and Coloured compatriots, but they too, are used as pawns in this white man’s power game. Generally, they are not interested in the bigger agenda of transformation, except advancing their careers and hence are less of a threat to the white establishment and susceptible to manipulation by white power. Those who believe the corporate world is an extension of liberation struggle trenches to advance the goals of a more equitable society are considered as a bunch of ‘misfits’ and relegated to the periphery of all the corporate action.
Dear reader, this new of kind of apartheid is so effective that the acronyms EE and BEE have, at worst, been cursed, and at best, relegated to an admin “pain in the butt” of the corporate world. Any mention of these acronyms in a conversation, except at a mandatory EE forum, is tantamount to career suicide hence the silence of many a black professional. The feeling among many is: “Mfwethu, I’m just here for a stint to learn the ropes before I venture into my own thing”.
Meanwhile, their white counterparts are being encouraged to socialise with the brokers of power – the ones who decide who to hire and fire, how much performance bonus to pay to whom? Who to promote, over a game of golf, touch rugby or over a round of drinks, after hours? This is how corrupt the system is. I have often wondered: why these corrupt practises of white corporate bosses do not make newspaper headlines? Thanks to the Competition Commission, some of the sleaze in corporate SA is beginning to come out. But what the commission has uncovered is just the tip of the iceberg.
The politics of dishing out patronage is not the sole preserve of the ANC, as some newspaper columnists and the Democratic Alliance would like us to believe. You would often be told, “… it’s not about what you do, but it’s who you know”? If you are not connected to the brokers of power, climbing the corporate ladder will be a perpetually deferred dream or as a consolation, do what most black professionals do most, hop to another job, even if they are offering just a pittance more.
In terms of black African executives – the less said about this lot the better. With a few exceptions of black excellence, many of this lot have become whiter than their white masters. I recall sitting in a meeting addressed by a black CEO, a colleague of mine remarked that it was quite refreshing to hear Bra Tee (not his real name) talk about BEE for the first time ever in his five-year tenure as CEO. Another colleague expressed shock when invited to Bra Tee’s house party in Sandton to find the whole house teeming with white people and not a single black face, but Bra Tee’s, obviously.
I thought to myself, how do you confidently talk about BEE and expect to see real transformation taking place when you have surrounded yourself with whiteness? It is as if black CEOs have been bewitched with whiteness. They are too scared to affirm and empower people from their own backyard. They too, are the pawns in a white man’s power game. I guess they like to see abelungu stroking their slave egos, every now and then, and abelungu are expert suckers. Just as it is difficult to talk with your mouthful, the same goes for our black executives, they cannot imagine themselves opening their share-options mouthfulls and be humiliated with all this EE, BEE stuff. This is a classic case of slave mentality and self loathe in the extreme!
Surely, Steve Biko must be turning in his grave. As for Verwoed and his dead cohorts, the chuckle must be deafening in hell!
Thursday, August 26, 2010
Khulubuse Zuma does not use his 'connections' - my response to Sithembiso Msomi's article in th Times
Khulubuse Zuma does not use his 'connections'
Aug 1, 2010 11:34 PM
By Khaya Buthelezi, by e-mail
Khaya Buthelezi, by e-mail: S'Thembiso Msomi's article on Khulubuse Zuma (President Jacob Zuma's nephew) refers. While I agree with most of your views in your column, I would like to vehemently disagree with you on Khulubuse Zuma. First, Khulubuse is not wealthy as you suggest.
FATCAT AMONG THE PIGEONS? Don't accuse poor ''big guy" Khulubuse Zuma of using his proximity to his uncle, President Jacob Zuma, to get rich - he can't even pay the domestic worker, says a reader.
I don't think a few deals here and there make anyone wealthy by any standards. Some of us in business understand these things very well. Most of the much-talked-about deals are heavily geared. Put simply, it's borrowed money that he's using from banks and other financial institutions who are investing in these business ventures, after having satisfied themselves that they will get a return on their investment.
The oil deals in the Democratic Republic of Congo have not yet generated even a cent and the media is already screaming about Khulubuse's wealth. What wealth? As you put it, Khula was selling newspapers as a boy. Shouldn't we be celebrating his achievements, rather than lambasting the successes of another black brother?
Your comparison between Khulubuse and Saki Macozoma and his friend, Bulelani Ngcuka, is unfair. Khulubuse started from the bottom, owning a taxi, and later a security company, which gave him many sleepless nights. He is a true entrepreneur who used his close proximity to his uncle to his advantage, like any other entrepreneur would have, if given the opportunity.
On the other hand, Macozoma and Ngcuka were handed their wealth on a platter, literally. Today, both men have interests in various companies without breaking any sweat because of their high-profile names and close proximity to the chief, Thabo Mbeki, in his heyday as the boss in Luthuli House and at Union Buildings.
Khulubuse was making deals when the name ''Zuma" was a swear word in business circles. Where was the media during these difficult times? Why are we only hearing about him now? Again, the media is failing South Africa's transformation project by misrepresenting successes of black entrepreneurs.
If indeed Khulubuse is this wealthy because of this close proximity to President Zuma, why would he let MaNtuli (Zuma's second wife) struggle financially, even failing to pay for her domestic worker?
Msomi, I understand your neighbourly jealousy, but I think Khulubuse Zuma should not be the target.
A little homework for you and other jealous scribes of your ilk: investigate how SA's nouveau riche whites got their wealth, and how over the past 16 years of our democracy they have made more money beyond their wildest dreams? These are stories you guys should be telling, not chasing after poor "big guy" Khulubuse Zuma.
PS. I hold no brief for the Zumas.
Aug 1, 2010 11:34 PM
By Khaya Buthelezi, by e-mail
Khaya Buthelezi, by e-mail: S'Thembiso Msomi's article on Khulubuse Zuma (President Jacob Zuma's nephew) refers. While I agree with most of your views in your column, I would like to vehemently disagree with you on Khulubuse Zuma. First, Khulubuse is not wealthy as you suggest.
FATCAT AMONG THE PIGEONS? Don't accuse poor ''big guy" Khulubuse Zuma of using his proximity to his uncle, President Jacob Zuma, to get rich - he can't even pay the domestic worker, says a reader.
I don't think a few deals here and there make anyone wealthy by any standards. Some of us in business understand these things very well. Most of the much-talked-about deals are heavily geared. Put simply, it's borrowed money that he's using from banks and other financial institutions who are investing in these business ventures, after having satisfied themselves that they will get a return on their investment.
The oil deals in the Democratic Republic of Congo have not yet generated even a cent and the media is already screaming about Khulubuse's wealth. What wealth? As you put it, Khula was selling newspapers as a boy. Shouldn't we be celebrating his achievements, rather than lambasting the successes of another black brother?
Your comparison between Khulubuse and Saki Macozoma and his friend, Bulelani Ngcuka, is unfair. Khulubuse started from the bottom, owning a taxi, and later a security company, which gave him many sleepless nights. He is a true entrepreneur who used his close proximity to his uncle to his advantage, like any other entrepreneur would have, if given the opportunity.
On the other hand, Macozoma and Ngcuka were handed their wealth on a platter, literally. Today, both men have interests in various companies without breaking any sweat because of their high-profile names and close proximity to the chief, Thabo Mbeki, in his heyday as the boss in Luthuli House and at Union Buildings.
Khulubuse was making deals when the name ''Zuma" was a swear word in business circles. Where was the media during these difficult times? Why are we only hearing about him now? Again, the media is failing South Africa's transformation project by misrepresenting successes of black entrepreneurs.
If indeed Khulubuse is this wealthy because of this close proximity to President Zuma, why would he let MaNtuli (Zuma's second wife) struggle financially, even failing to pay for her domestic worker?
Msomi, I understand your neighbourly jealousy, but I think Khulubuse Zuma should not be the target.
A little homework for you and other jealous scribes of your ilk: investigate how SA's nouveau riche whites got their wealth, and how over the past 16 years of our democracy they have made more money beyond their wildest dreams? These are stories you guys should be telling, not chasing after poor "big guy" Khulubuse Zuma.
PS. I hold no brief for the Zumas.
Sunday, June 6, 2010
ANC’s loss in Gugulethu marks a painful decline of the peoples’ movement
Mcebisi Skwatsha might have lost the provincial chairmanship of the African National Congress in the Western Cape but he still wields immense power and influence in the townships of Gugulethu and other key ANC strongholds in the province. According to some sources in the ANC, the by-election loss of the ANC in Ward 44 recently, is partly attributed to Skwatsha’s faction, which insisted on fielding a less-known black female candidate, as opposed to a Muslim candidate, who commands support in both the communities of Gugulethu (predominantly black) and Heideveld (predominantly coloured). By the rate with which the stature of the ANC is declining in the province, they may as well kiss running any part of the Western Cape goodbye, for a very long time. This begs the question, could this mark the painful decline of the peoples’ movement in other parts of the country?
Let’s look at the facts: the white and coloured middle classes which played a pivotal role in the struggle for liberation have deserted the ANC in favour of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Many of these people feel that the ANC has deviated from its noble ideal of non-racialism in pursuit of a pure Africanist agenda. Julius Malema’s ranting about a lack of black Africans in the country’s economic cluster bear testimony to this. In addition, this group finds it difficult to reconcile the ideals of justice, equality and liberty, as espoused by the ANC, with what has become of the ANC – a party ravaged by internal strife for positions, corruption and the sickening culture of materialism.
On the other hand, the coloured working class, in spite of their strong ties to Cosatu and having produced struggle heroes like Allan Boesak, Trevor Manual and others, they have never really trusted the ANC – seeing it as ‘swart gevaar’ (black danger) from the Eastern Cape, with potential to usurp them from their status as second class citizens of the province, after whites. The fact that the ANC had some support in some coloured working class townships, had to do with Nelson Mandela whose larger-than-life personality and impeccable struggle credentials, transcend all barriers, racial or otherwise.
In the absence of Madiba, Allan Boesak and Trevor Manuel’s waning star in the ANC – it seems the party is at a loss as to how to tackle the unique political dynamics of the Western Cape. The threats by the ANCYL of making Cape Town ungovernable are not only ludicrous, but also reveal the levels of desperation and frustration of playing second fiddle to the DA.
Furthermore, hanging on to the black electorate with its dear life is not going to help the ANC, going forward. And black voters are not going to be patient with the comrades’ shenanigans forever, at some point, they must start delivering on the promises they have made. Murmurs can be heard from the ordinary township folk, complaining that once they’ve voted the ANC into power, “they forget us when travelling in their big cars”. Service delivery protests and the like, bear testament to the impatience of the black electorate.
The ANC is also faced with even bigger and complex challenges which, in a way, force them to demote the issue of service delivery to the lowest rung of their priorities. The fact that a political office guarantees an incumbent access to the state largesse has turned comrades against each other. The cadres now see the ANC as a one-way ticket to instant riches and celebrity status. And those who stand in the way are eliminated, as evidenced by the murders of ANC leaders in the smaller municipalities of the Free State and North West.
The days when the ANC was a warm, open family where cadres were brothers’ keepers are long gone. Today, new members are viewed with suspicion and potential threats to those who have their eyes on leadership positions. This has resulted in the mushrooming of powerful cliques and networks whose only interest is what they get out of the ANC, instead of making a meaningful contribution. This is a marked shift from the days of their forebears who nurtured talent and young leadership as Walter Sisulu did to Nelson Mandela when he was still a struggling law student in Johannesburg. And I am certain these are the headaches that keep Jacob Zuma and his lieutenants awake at night.
Dear reader, you are probably asking, what’s the solution? The solution is very simple but very difficult to find. Here it is: the ANC must find other livelihoods for its cadres, other than those connected to government, otherwise, they will continue to bleed the ANC to death with their scavenging over positions of power. In the meantime, the DA will continue to chip away at their support base – I am afraid, even in black townships.
Let’s look at the facts: the white and coloured middle classes which played a pivotal role in the struggle for liberation have deserted the ANC in favour of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Many of these people feel that the ANC has deviated from its noble ideal of non-racialism in pursuit of a pure Africanist agenda. Julius Malema’s ranting about a lack of black Africans in the country’s economic cluster bear testimony to this. In addition, this group finds it difficult to reconcile the ideals of justice, equality and liberty, as espoused by the ANC, with what has become of the ANC – a party ravaged by internal strife for positions, corruption and the sickening culture of materialism.
On the other hand, the coloured working class, in spite of their strong ties to Cosatu and having produced struggle heroes like Allan Boesak, Trevor Manual and others, they have never really trusted the ANC – seeing it as ‘swart gevaar’ (black danger) from the Eastern Cape, with potential to usurp them from their status as second class citizens of the province, after whites. The fact that the ANC had some support in some coloured working class townships, had to do with Nelson Mandela whose larger-than-life personality and impeccable struggle credentials, transcend all barriers, racial or otherwise.
In the absence of Madiba, Allan Boesak and Trevor Manuel’s waning star in the ANC – it seems the party is at a loss as to how to tackle the unique political dynamics of the Western Cape. The threats by the ANCYL of making Cape Town ungovernable are not only ludicrous, but also reveal the levels of desperation and frustration of playing second fiddle to the DA.
Furthermore, hanging on to the black electorate with its dear life is not going to help the ANC, going forward. And black voters are not going to be patient with the comrades’ shenanigans forever, at some point, they must start delivering on the promises they have made. Murmurs can be heard from the ordinary township folk, complaining that once they’ve voted the ANC into power, “they forget us when travelling in their big cars”. Service delivery protests and the like, bear testament to the impatience of the black electorate.
The ANC is also faced with even bigger and complex challenges which, in a way, force them to demote the issue of service delivery to the lowest rung of their priorities. The fact that a political office guarantees an incumbent access to the state largesse has turned comrades against each other. The cadres now see the ANC as a one-way ticket to instant riches and celebrity status. And those who stand in the way are eliminated, as evidenced by the murders of ANC leaders in the smaller municipalities of the Free State and North West.
The days when the ANC was a warm, open family where cadres were brothers’ keepers are long gone. Today, new members are viewed with suspicion and potential threats to those who have their eyes on leadership positions. This has resulted in the mushrooming of powerful cliques and networks whose only interest is what they get out of the ANC, instead of making a meaningful contribution. This is a marked shift from the days of their forebears who nurtured talent and young leadership as Walter Sisulu did to Nelson Mandela when he was still a struggling law student in Johannesburg. And I am certain these are the headaches that keep Jacob Zuma and his lieutenants awake at night.
Dear reader, you are probably asking, what’s the solution? The solution is very simple but very difficult to find. Here it is: the ANC must find other livelihoods for its cadres, other than those connected to government, otherwise, they will continue to bleed the ANC to death with their scavenging over positions of power. In the meantime, the DA will continue to chip away at their support base – I am afraid, even in black townships.
Sunday, January 3, 2010
Black elite calling for their own Mugabe to reverse the gains of colonialism
Have you ever wondered why the crowds and dignitaries alike cheer whenever the name Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe is announced from the speakers at the Union Building during our presidential inaugurations? Well, I think I have an answer for you.
A conversation with a colleague recently shed some light to this anomaly which bedevils the Union Buildings whenever we anoint a new president. A female colleague of mine explained very eloquently why South Africa needed a Robert Mugabe-type leader to ensure that land is returned to its rightful owners and black people share a bigger spoil of the economy.
What triggered her annoyance with the state of affairs in the economy and country in general was a dinner in some trendy Sandton restaurant to celebrate her husband’s birthday. “You know what,” she prefaced her poignant narrative, “I was so disturbed when I realized that the only blacks (at the restaurant) were Zimbabwean waiters and the rest, management and patrons, were all white.”
This, according to my colleague, told a story about who was still in power and reinforced the master/servant relationship of the bygone era of colonialism and apartheid.
My reply to my colleague’s frustration was dismissive of what I thought was unwarranted concern, especially coming from a well-off person like her. It was as if I had pressed the overdrive gear. She went completely berserk. “That’s exactly is the problem with you black people, you are so insulated in your cushy corporate jobs and think that you’ve arrived. All what you getting are crumbs falling-off the masters table. Real power lies in controlling the heights of the economy and a Mugabe-type leader will ensure that we achieve that.”
By now, my colleague had raised her voice, and seemed to care less about the other people who were, wittingly or unwittingly, listening in to our conversation. I think her intention was to ventilate her feelings beyond the confines of our corner open-plan office – and this became a little too hot for our poor boss (white male), he stepped outside for a quick smoke. Talk of woman power!
To say I was shocked is an understatement. I had never seen her snap like that and I thought: her uncontrolled, raw anger was unbecoming of a refined, anglicized and educated (black) person like her. Private school education, commerce degree, MBA, designer clothes to match her powerful position as portfolio manager with R3 billion assets under her management, count for something, I imagined.
I am also told her family is one of the wealthiest in Soweto, boasting a vineyard somewhere in the Cape as one of the family’s assets. By all accounts, she belongs to the elite of the new South Africa and should leave the anger-venting business to the masses of Diepsloot and Khayelitsha shack settlements. This tripe-spewing business is Juju’s (Julius Malema) modus operandi, whose H symbol in Woodwork in his Matric certificate, in a way, justifies his pollution of our public discourse.
But what happens when one of the black elite, who together with the majority of our white compatriots, enjoy the trappings of good life, also expresses frustration with the slow pace of economic transformation? What happens when the black elite is calling for their own Mugabe to unwind the economic imbalances of the past? Dear reader, as I write this, Mugabe’s government is putting together a bill that seeks to transfer 51% of all foreign-owned companies to state ownership.
This is happening at the time when commercial farming has been brought to its knees by illegal land-grabbing in the quest of transferring land into black hands. The merits and demerits of this is a debate for another day. The fact of the matter is 25 years ago – the madness that now characterise life in Zimbabwe was unthinkable.
A Zimbabwean acquaintance of mine seems to think what befell Zimbabwe will soon be SA’s fate. And listening to my learned colleague’s venting the other day – I now fear – the inevitable is nearer than I imagined.
This is happening against the backdrop of a 2008/2009 Employment Equity Report which showed that white men represented 61% of top management, enjoyed 48% of all recruitment and made up 45% of all employees promoted to this level. At the top management level black men represented 10%, enjoyed 13% of all recruitment and made up 13% of all employees promoted to this level.
In the private sector white people had the highest representation with 74%, followed by black people with 13%, Indians with just less than 6%, coloureds with 5% and foreigners accounting for about 3%.
In addition, it is estimated that black-owned companies only account for less than 10% of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange’s market capitalization. Added to this is the fact more than 70% of commercial land is still in white hands, 15 years on after the advent of democracy. So far, only 5% of commercial land has been given back to black communities.
Without a doubt, the above state of affairs is untenable and recipe for chaos waiting to happen, especially in a deeply polarized country like ours. Economic inequality remains the biggest threat to our young democracy and could be fertile ground for tyranny, exactly like the one our neighbours north of the Limpopo river are experiencing. And when the black elite sing from the same hymn book as the impoverished masses – we have all reason to be very afraid!
A conversation with a colleague recently shed some light to this anomaly which bedevils the Union Buildings whenever we anoint a new president. A female colleague of mine explained very eloquently why South Africa needed a Robert Mugabe-type leader to ensure that land is returned to its rightful owners and black people share a bigger spoil of the economy.
What triggered her annoyance with the state of affairs in the economy and country in general was a dinner in some trendy Sandton restaurant to celebrate her husband’s birthday. “You know what,” she prefaced her poignant narrative, “I was so disturbed when I realized that the only blacks (at the restaurant) were Zimbabwean waiters and the rest, management and patrons, were all white.”
This, according to my colleague, told a story about who was still in power and reinforced the master/servant relationship of the bygone era of colonialism and apartheid.
My reply to my colleague’s frustration was dismissive of what I thought was unwarranted concern, especially coming from a well-off person like her. It was as if I had pressed the overdrive gear. She went completely berserk. “That’s exactly is the problem with you black people, you are so insulated in your cushy corporate jobs and think that you’ve arrived. All what you getting are crumbs falling-off the masters table. Real power lies in controlling the heights of the economy and a Mugabe-type leader will ensure that we achieve that.”
By now, my colleague had raised her voice, and seemed to care less about the other people who were, wittingly or unwittingly, listening in to our conversation. I think her intention was to ventilate her feelings beyond the confines of our corner open-plan office – and this became a little too hot for our poor boss (white male), he stepped outside for a quick smoke. Talk of woman power!
To say I was shocked is an understatement. I had never seen her snap like that and I thought: her uncontrolled, raw anger was unbecoming of a refined, anglicized and educated (black) person like her. Private school education, commerce degree, MBA, designer clothes to match her powerful position as portfolio manager with R3 billion assets under her management, count for something, I imagined.
I am also told her family is one of the wealthiest in Soweto, boasting a vineyard somewhere in the Cape as one of the family’s assets. By all accounts, she belongs to the elite of the new South Africa and should leave the anger-venting business to the masses of Diepsloot and Khayelitsha shack settlements. This tripe-spewing business is Juju’s (Julius Malema) modus operandi, whose H symbol in Woodwork in his Matric certificate, in a way, justifies his pollution of our public discourse.
But what happens when one of the black elite, who together with the majority of our white compatriots, enjoy the trappings of good life, also expresses frustration with the slow pace of economic transformation? What happens when the black elite is calling for their own Mugabe to unwind the economic imbalances of the past? Dear reader, as I write this, Mugabe’s government is putting together a bill that seeks to transfer 51% of all foreign-owned companies to state ownership.
This is happening at the time when commercial farming has been brought to its knees by illegal land-grabbing in the quest of transferring land into black hands. The merits and demerits of this is a debate for another day. The fact of the matter is 25 years ago – the madness that now characterise life in Zimbabwe was unthinkable.
A Zimbabwean acquaintance of mine seems to think what befell Zimbabwe will soon be SA’s fate. And listening to my learned colleague’s venting the other day – I now fear – the inevitable is nearer than I imagined.
This is happening against the backdrop of a 2008/2009 Employment Equity Report which showed that white men represented 61% of top management, enjoyed 48% of all recruitment and made up 45% of all employees promoted to this level. At the top management level black men represented 10%, enjoyed 13% of all recruitment and made up 13% of all employees promoted to this level.
In the private sector white people had the highest representation with 74%, followed by black people with 13%, Indians with just less than 6%, coloureds with 5% and foreigners accounting for about 3%.
In addition, it is estimated that black-owned companies only account for less than 10% of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange’s market capitalization. Added to this is the fact more than 70% of commercial land is still in white hands, 15 years on after the advent of democracy. So far, only 5% of commercial land has been given back to black communities.
Without a doubt, the above state of affairs is untenable and recipe for chaos waiting to happen, especially in a deeply polarized country like ours. Economic inequality remains the biggest threat to our young democracy and could be fertile ground for tyranny, exactly like the one our neighbours north of the Limpopo river are experiencing. And when the black elite sing from the same hymn book as the impoverished masses – we have all reason to be very afraid!
Thursday, October 15, 2009
Where the hell are the darkies?
Have you ever felt like screaming – where the hell are the darkies? Well, I have had these moments a zillion times in my short life. And for some strange reason, the urge to scream my lungs out was in even stronger when I realised that there were only two people of the darker pigmentation (sorry, I am not colour blind) in a plane I boarded to Joburg recently.
A myriad of thoughts raced on my mind about the reasons for this strange phenomenon. And I thought to myself, seeing that it’s a cheaper flight (1Time), most people on the plane should be financially shrewd entrepreneurs running their own businesses on very tight budgets. Unlike the excessively fed government officials (read black and fat) who prefer SAA’s business class with an extra-large leg room to house their hanging bellies. The less said about this lot, the better.
Back to my whiteys on the plane. If the hullaballoo about the government’s empowerment policies is anything to go by, one would have expected this plane to be a mixed bag of black/white entrepreneurs/professionals. But all I saw were laptop-cladding, blackberry-glued whiteys heading off to or coming from another business meeting. If this was 1995, a year which marked the breaking of my plane-travelling chastity, I would have understood. But I am no longer a virgin (plane-travelling that is) neither is South Africa. The hymen of South Africa’s racial chastity was broken in 1994 to make way for easy darkie/whitey interaction and mixing at all levels of society, at least, legislatively speaking.
If this is the case, where the hell were the darkies in the damn plane? Is this some European country or what? Where are the voluptuous African ladies travelling with their chickens and goats or sangomas on their way to perform a ritual for some fat, lazy politician, wanting to outmanoeuvre his fellow comrades in lending a lucrative tender?
Not even Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) entrepreneurs clad in their forever conspicuous Armani suits or Prada jeans could be spotted. You know darkies with their designer labels. Not even a Kwaito star smooching a groupie at the back seat was seen. Truth be told, I looked around to no avail, except for a skinny, pencil-looking black waitress who kept on smiling (esineka), whenever I looked her direction.
Oh, I almost forgot, the once ANC’s rising star and now forgotten Saki Macozoma once opined BEE was never intended for the poor. Hence the status quo remains except for a few politically connected gluttonous fat black oligarchs who have instantly turned multi-millionaires, thanks to the ANC’s deployment policy of jobs and tenders for pals. Damn, I hate it when I’m in agreement with the lily white Democratic Alliance (DA).
And yes, do you remember what the new friend of the poor and ‘shack-sleeping’ Tokyo Sexwale said back in 1996 to a group of aspiring black millionaires: “We’ll make you filthy rich”. Mr Sexwale, can you please tell me where are these filthy rich black people except yourself and a few ANC oligarchs. Mhhh, I like the word, ‘oligarchs’. It apparently refers to a small group of people who rule a nation or control an organisation, often for their own interests.
Aha! Gotcha! Dear reader, the once revered and beloved Congress or Khongolose or Nkongolo Ya Bantu (Congress of the People, not Shikota) as our parents and grandparents fondly referred to the ANC has been hijacked by a small group of people who are using it for their own ‘devious’ ends. So, the service delivery protests, children schooling under the trees, 15 years into our nascent democracy should not come as a surprise - the masses were never meant to benefit anyway.
Ok, ok! I’m told some clever guy from the Presidency, remember that dude by the name of Joel Netshitenzhe? The one who presided over the official ceremony to anoint former Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (may her (political) soul rest in peace) after Thabo Mbeki fired JZ. You got that right. Apparently, he says the lot of black people has improved since 1994.
In one of his latest research papers, he says: “More than 13 million people now receive social grants, compared to 7.87-million in 2004/05. Income inequality in South Africa was not reduced even during the years of economic growth: while income of all sectors has improved, that of the richer segment (read whites) of the society seems to have improved at a faster rate”.
Typical of Mbeki people, Joel likes playing with figures and throwing around some weird hypotheses about as simple an issue as being poor or jobless in pursuance of sounding ‘profound’. Sometimes too much formal education can mess-up your brains. These technocrats must learn to use simple English and refrain from messing with our Bantu Education minds with their so called research papers mumbo-jumbo.
To put it bluntly, whiteys rule the roost in the economy and by extension the country and have enjoyed the crème-de-la-crème of the financial markets’ bull run of the past five years or so, leaving the darkies scavenging over the crumbs falling off the table, like vultures fighting over dead, smelly carcasses. This is the sum-total of darkies 15 years on after the advent of democracy in 1994.
This begs the question: what is the ANC doing with its political power? For four consecutive elections, darkies have given them massive mandates to enact policies and programmes that will improve their lives economically and otherwise. Instead, all what the people have seen so far are government ministers splurging on luxurious vehicles at the taxpayers’ expense. Talk of cheating in the highest order.
Back to my whiteys on the plane! Maybe, just maybe, seeing that my flight was very early on Tuesday morning, the BEE entrepreneurs decided to reschedule and pushed their business engagements by another day or two to recover from an excruciating hangover after yet another ANC Youth League weekend party where whisky flows non-stop. On the other hand, my whiteys on the plane were crisscrossing the skies, wheeling and dealing, and making money in the process. If indeed this was the case, shame on you darkies!
A myriad of thoughts raced on my mind about the reasons for this strange phenomenon. And I thought to myself, seeing that it’s a cheaper flight (1Time), most people on the plane should be financially shrewd entrepreneurs running their own businesses on very tight budgets. Unlike the excessively fed government officials (read black and fat) who prefer SAA’s business class with an extra-large leg room to house their hanging bellies. The less said about this lot, the better.
Back to my whiteys on the plane. If the hullaballoo about the government’s empowerment policies is anything to go by, one would have expected this plane to be a mixed bag of black/white entrepreneurs/professionals. But all I saw were laptop-cladding, blackberry-glued whiteys heading off to or coming from another business meeting. If this was 1995, a year which marked the breaking of my plane-travelling chastity, I would have understood. But I am no longer a virgin (plane-travelling that is) neither is South Africa. The hymen of South Africa’s racial chastity was broken in 1994 to make way for easy darkie/whitey interaction and mixing at all levels of society, at least, legislatively speaking.
If this is the case, where the hell were the darkies in the damn plane? Is this some European country or what? Where are the voluptuous African ladies travelling with their chickens and goats or sangomas on their way to perform a ritual for some fat, lazy politician, wanting to outmanoeuvre his fellow comrades in lending a lucrative tender?
Not even Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) entrepreneurs clad in their forever conspicuous Armani suits or Prada jeans could be spotted. You know darkies with their designer labels. Not even a Kwaito star smooching a groupie at the back seat was seen. Truth be told, I looked around to no avail, except for a skinny, pencil-looking black waitress who kept on smiling (esineka), whenever I looked her direction.
Oh, I almost forgot, the once ANC’s rising star and now forgotten Saki Macozoma once opined BEE was never intended for the poor. Hence the status quo remains except for a few politically connected gluttonous fat black oligarchs who have instantly turned multi-millionaires, thanks to the ANC’s deployment policy of jobs and tenders for pals. Damn, I hate it when I’m in agreement with the lily white Democratic Alliance (DA).
And yes, do you remember what the new friend of the poor and ‘shack-sleeping’ Tokyo Sexwale said back in 1996 to a group of aspiring black millionaires: “We’ll make you filthy rich”. Mr Sexwale, can you please tell me where are these filthy rich black people except yourself and a few ANC oligarchs. Mhhh, I like the word, ‘oligarchs’. It apparently refers to a small group of people who rule a nation or control an organisation, often for their own interests.
Aha! Gotcha! Dear reader, the once revered and beloved Congress or Khongolose or Nkongolo Ya Bantu (Congress of the People, not Shikota) as our parents and grandparents fondly referred to the ANC has been hijacked by a small group of people who are using it for their own ‘devious’ ends. So, the service delivery protests, children schooling under the trees, 15 years into our nascent democracy should not come as a surprise - the masses were never meant to benefit anyway.
Ok, ok! I’m told some clever guy from the Presidency, remember that dude by the name of Joel Netshitenzhe? The one who presided over the official ceremony to anoint former Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka (may her (political) soul rest in peace) after Thabo Mbeki fired JZ. You got that right. Apparently, he says the lot of black people has improved since 1994.
In one of his latest research papers, he says: “More than 13 million people now receive social grants, compared to 7.87-million in 2004/05. Income inequality in South Africa was not reduced even during the years of economic growth: while income of all sectors has improved, that of the richer segment (read whites) of the society seems to have improved at a faster rate”.
Typical of Mbeki people, Joel likes playing with figures and throwing around some weird hypotheses about as simple an issue as being poor or jobless in pursuance of sounding ‘profound’. Sometimes too much formal education can mess-up your brains. These technocrats must learn to use simple English and refrain from messing with our Bantu Education minds with their so called research papers mumbo-jumbo.
To put it bluntly, whiteys rule the roost in the economy and by extension the country and have enjoyed the crème-de-la-crème of the financial markets’ bull run of the past five years or so, leaving the darkies scavenging over the crumbs falling off the table, like vultures fighting over dead, smelly carcasses. This is the sum-total of darkies 15 years on after the advent of democracy in 1994.
This begs the question: what is the ANC doing with its political power? For four consecutive elections, darkies have given them massive mandates to enact policies and programmes that will improve their lives economically and otherwise. Instead, all what the people have seen so far are government ministers splurging on luxurious vehicles at the taxpayers’ expense. Talk of cheating in the highest order.
Back to my whiteys on the plane! Maybe, just maybe, seeing that my flight was very early on Tuesday morning, the BEE entrepreneurs decided to reschedule and pushed their business engagements by another day or two to recover from an excruciating hangover after yet another ANC Youth League weekend party where whisky flows non-stop. On the other hand, my whiteys on the plane were crisscrossing the skies, wheeling and dealing, and making money in the process. If indeed this was the case, shame on you darkies!
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